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Drusilla 4 episodes, Jay Simon Senator Regulus 4 episodes, Jeffrey Stevens Narcissus 3 episodes, Kelson Henderson Claudius 3 episodes, Molly Leishman Livilla 3 episodes, Craig Walsh-Wrightson Tiberius 2 episodes, John Bach Marcus Aurelius 2 episodes, Andrew Scott Lucius Afranius 2 episodes, Michael Morris Macro 2 episodes, Lisa Mignone Pertinax 1 episode, Ella Becroft Bruttia Crispina 1 episode, Lisa Chappell Faustina 1 episode, Carl Bland Avidius Cassius 1 episode, Adam Gardiner Claudius Pompeianus 1 episode, Richard Lambeth Drusis 1 episode, Alex Schofield Crowd Spectator 1 episode, Sven Horstmann Slave Doctor 1 episode, Mana Hira Davis Spartacus 1 episode, Taylor Hall Young Caesar 1 episode, Joe Valentine King Ptolemy 1 episode, Darren White Pompey's Scout 1 episode, Emma Foster Young Livilla 1 episode, Harry Sills Getting Started Contributor Zone ».

Edit page. Top Gap. See more gaps ». Add episode. Create a list ». Documentaries I've Seen. See all related lists ». Share this page:. Clear your history. Self - Narrator 9 episodes, Self - Author, The Death of Caesar 8 episodes, Self - Author, The Rise of Rome 7 episodes, Self - Narrator 6 episodes, Self - Lecturer, Columbia University 6 episodes, Commodus 6 episodes, Cassius Dio 6 episodes, Marcia 6 episodes, Cleander 5 episodes, Cleopatra 5 episodes, Julius Caesar 5 episodes, Julia 5 episodes, Pompey 5 episodes, Vercingetorix 5 episodes, Servilia 5 episodes, Brutus 5 episodes, Mark Antony 5 episodes, Marcus Wallius 5 episodes, Crassus 5 episodes, Cato 5 episodes, Self - Fellow, Royal Historical Society 4 episodes, Tatiana 4 episodes, Caligula 4 episodes, Lucilla 4 episodes, The Magaritai were destined to implant themselves in the country far more enduringly than the Greeks or the Romans had ever done.

Arabic, the language they had brought with them, and that appears as such a novelty on PERF , is nowadays so native to Egypt that the country has come to rank as the power-house of Arab culture. Yet even a transformation of that order barely touches on the full scale of the changes which are hinted at so prosaically. A new age, of which that tax receipt issued in Herakleopolis in "the year 22" ranks as the oldest surviving dateable document, had been brought into being. This, to almost one in four people alive today, is a matter of more than mere historical interest.

Infinitely more — for it touches, in their opinion, on the very nature of the Divine. The question of what it was that had brought the Magaritai to Herakleopolis, and to numerous other cities besides, has lain, for many centuries now, at the heart of a great and global religion: Islam. It was the prompting hand of God, not a mere wanton desire to extort sheep, that had first motivated the Arabs to leave their desert homeland. Such, at any rate, was the conviction of Ibn Hisham, a scholar based in Egypt who wrote a century and a half after the first appearance of the Magaritai in Herakleopolis, but whose fascination with the period, and with the remarkable events that had stamped it, was all-consuming.

No longer, by AD , were the Magaritai to be reckoned a novelty. Instead — known now as "Muslims", or "those who submit to God" — they had succeeded in winning for themselves a vast agglomeration of territories: an authentically global empire. Ibn Hisham, looking back at the age which had first seen the Arabs grow conscious of themselves as a chosen people, and surrounded as he was by the ruins of superceded civilisations, certainly had no lack of pages to fill.

What was it that had brought the Arabs as conquerors to cities such as Herakleopolis, and far beyond? The ambition of Ibn Hisham was to provide an answer. The story he told was that of an Arab who had lived almost two centuries previously, and been chosen by God as the seal of His prophets: Muhammad. Although Ibn Hisham was himself certainly drawing on earlier material, his is the oldest biography to have survived, in the form we have it, into the present day. The details it provided would become fundamental to the way that Muslims have interpreted their faith ever since. That Muhammad had received a series of divine revelations; that he had grown up in the depths of Arabia, in a pagan metropolis, Mecca; that he had fled it for another city, Yathrib, where he had established the primal Muslim state; that this flight, or hijra , had transformed the entire order of time, and come to provide Muslims with their Year One: all this was enshrined to momentous effect by Ibn Hisham.

The contrast between Islam and the age that had preceded it was rendered in his biography as clear as that between midday and the dead of night. The white radiance of Muhammad's revelations, blazing first across Arabia and then to the limits of the world, had served to bring all humanity into a new age of light. The effect of this belief was to prove incalculable. To this day, even among non-Muslims, it continues to inform the way in which the history of the Middle East is interpreted and understood. Whether in books, museums or universities, the ancient world is imagined to have ended with the coming of Muhammad. Yet even on the presumption that what Islam teaches is correct, and that the revelations of Muhammad did indeed descend from heaven, it is still pushing things to imagine that the theatre of its conquests was suddenly conjured, over the span of a single generation, into a set from The Arabian Nights.

That the Arab conquests were part of a much vaster and more protracted drama, the decline and fall of the Roman empire, has been too readily forgotten. Place these conquests in their proper context and a different narrative emerges. Heeding the lesson taught by Gibbon back in the 18th century, that the barbarian invasions of Europe and the victories of the Saracens were different aspects of the same phenomenon, serves to open up vistas of drama unhinted at by the traditional Muslim narratives.

The landscape through which the Magaritai rode was certainly not unique to Egypt. In the west too, there were provinces that had witnessed the retreat and collapse of a superpower, the depredations of foreign invaders, and the desperate struggle of locals to fashion a new security for themselves. Only in the past few decades has this perspective been restored to its proper place in the academic spotlight.

Yet it is curious that long before the historian Peter Brown came to write his seminal volume The World of Late Antiquity — which traced, to influential effect, patterns throughout the half millennium between Marcus Aurelius and the founding of Baghdad — a number of bestselling novelists had got there first. What their work served to demonstrate was that the fall of the Roman empire, even a millennium and a half on, had lost none of its power to inspire gripping narratives. It was the last half-century in which that could be said. First published in , it portrayed a galactic imperium on the verge of collapse, and the attempt by an enlightened band of scientists to insure that eventual renaissance would follow its fall. The influence of the novel, and its two sequels, has been huge, and can be seen in every subsequent sci-fi epic that portrays sprawling empires set among the stars — from Star Wars to Battlestar Galactica.

Unlike most of his epigoni, however, Asimov drew direct sustenance from his historical model. The parabola of Asimov's narrative closely follows that of Gibbon. Plenipotentiaries visit imperial outposts for the last time; interstellar equivalents of Frankish or Ostrogothic kingdoms sprout on the edge of the Milky Way; the empire, just as its Roman precursor had done under Justinian, attempts a comeback.

Most intriguingly of all, in the second novel of the series, we are introduced to an enigmatic character named the Mule, who emerges seemingly from nowhere to transform the patterns of thought of billions, and conquer much of the galaxy. The context makes it fairly clear that he is intended to echo Muhammad. In an unflattering homage to Muslim tradition, Asimov even casts the Mule as a mutant, a freak of nature so unexpected that nothing in human science could possibly have explained or anticipated him.

Parallels with the tales told of Muhammad are self-evident in a second great epic of interstellar empire, Frank Herbert's Dune. A prophet arises from the depths of a desert world to humiliate an empire and launch a holy war — a jihad. Herbert's hero, Paul Atreides, is a man whose sense of supernatural mission is shadowed by self-doubt. Without ever quite intending it, he founds a new religion, and launches a wave of conquest that ends up convulsing the galaxy. In the end, we know, there will be "only legend, and nothing to stop the jihad". There is an irony in this, an echo not only of the spectacular growth of the historical caliphate, but of how the traditions told about Muhammad evolved as well. Ibn Hisham's biography may have been the first to survive — but it was not the last.

As the years went by, and ever more lives of the Prophet came to be written, so the details grew ever more miraculous. Fresh evidence — wholly unsuspected by Muhammad's earliest biographers — would see him revered as a man able to foretell the future, to receive messages from camels, and to pick up a soldier's eyeball, reinsert it, and make it work better than before. The result was yet one more miracle: the further in time from the Prophet a biographer, the more extensive his biography was likely to be. Herbert's novel counterpoints snatches of unreliable biography — in which Paul has become "Muad'Dib", the legendary "Dune Messiah" — with the main body of the narrative, which reveals a more secular truth.

Such, of course, is the prerogative of fiction. Nevertheless, it does suggest, for the historian, an unsettling question: to what extent might the traditions told by Muslims about their prophet contradict the actual reality of the historical Muhammad? Nor is it only western scholars who are prone to asking this — so too, for instance, are Salafists, keen as they are to strip away the accretions of centuries, and reveal to the faithful the full unspotted purity of the primal Muslim state.

But what if, after all the cladding has been torn down, there is nothing much left, beyond the odd receipt for sheep? That Muhammad existed is evident from the scattered testimony of Christian near-contemporaries, and that the Magaritai themselves believed a new order of time to have been ushered in is clear from their mention of a "Year 22". But do we see in the mirror held up by Ibn Hisham, and the biographers who followed him, an authentic reflection of Muhammad's life — or something distorted out of recognition by a combination of awe and the passage of time? There may be a lack of early Muslim sources for Muhammad's life, but in other regions of the former Roman empire there are even more haunting silences.

The deepest of all, perhaps, is the one that settled over the one-time province of Britannia. Around AD, at the same time as Ibn Hisham was drawing up a list of nine engagements in which Muhammad was said personally to have fought, a monk in the far distant wilds of Wales was compiling a very similar record of victories, 12 in total, all of them attributable to a single leader, and cast by their historian as indubitable proof of the blessings of God. The name of the monk was Nennius; and the name of his hero — who was supposed to have lived long before — was Arthur.

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